The New York Times published an article today August 17th titled "Lack of Leadership and Generational Split Hinder Protest," which argues that the two points of contention are possibly related. Of course as usual with the NY Times, dry reporting is the default instead of an obvious position that may scare regular readers. With that said, it doesn’t take reading between the lines to notice that Ferguson and the rejection of formal leadership is a trend increasing in frequency worldwide.
Over the course of a few years, local police in a seemingly coordinated effort have put forth narratives designed to stop radicals from lending unmediated support to impacted communities during times of crisis. The pattern of this counterinsurgency strategy is simplistic yet fairly effective. A decade of intense militarization, economic decline and an overall breaking system has created a need for the state to stop uprisings before they take hold. Their strategy is two fold, divide the impacted community into good and bad protesters while concurrently attacking the anarchist movement.
Over the last decade, Europe has seen a steady increase in the direct action approach to shopping; supermarket raids where everything is free. Since as early as 1974, anarchists and autonomists have raided supermarkets essentials before redistributing them to local communities. The police stood aside.The managers quaked. The pensioners on the outside revelled. When the mayor of a small town in Andalucía, Juan Manuel Sánchez Gordillo, led farm labourers into a supermarket to expropriate their stock of basic necessities he was quoted as saying:
The crisis has a face and a name. There are many families who can’t afford to eat.
The anarchist movement, particularly its class struggle element, tends to hold up strike action as a symbol of the working classes’ potential collective strength – and not without reason.
Work is where we’ve historically had the most leverage, the greatest ability to increase our freedoms and power as a class. The ruling class says it owns our homes, our factories, our utilities and offices, but we are needed to make these things work and when we refuse to, mortar crumbles out of capitalist palaces.
Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (1809-1865) has been subject to many interpretations, from the seminal (K. Steven Vincent) to the malicious (Karl Marx). This, undoubtedly, has led to many concluding that he was a contradictory thinker but not all interpretations of his ideas have merit. He was fundamentally consistent in his libertarian socialism.
One of my main interests is developing tools for analyzing corruption and distributing them in a way that people can 1. find them quickly and 2. analyze the world quickly. I believe that if we facilitate research we can facilitate accomplishing our political goals. This piece explains 5 mechanisms of power that I believe can be used to identify and explain how any form of power is maintaining itself. These mechanisms can be found in sexism, economic exploitation, racism, homophobia, nationalism, imperialism, etc.
Rydra and Bellamy discuss Rydra's addictions to civilization, where the World Cup and Cannibalism intersect, what use civilization is if the good drugs are eating our flesh, why renewable/sustainable energy is not a solution, tree spiking in Florida, BP oil spill causing fish to swim more slowly, RIMPAC and the idiocy of war games, the Mi'kmaq people and their continued battle against the RCMP and civilization's onslaught, and much much more!
Anarchists are being urged to rediscover hope and, with it, the power to create the future. The message comes in the latest book by writer Paul Cudenec, author of The Anarchist Revelation and Antibodies.
A lot of my friends on social media have been sharing, and apparantly chuckling at a webcomic called “If Modern Anarchists fought in Spain” (IMAFS), which lampoons the modern anarchist movement by contrasting it with the “serious anarchists” of yore. Far from being an amusing satirical comment on the state of anarchism today, it’s neither funny, nor clever and it sides with power over the oppressed.
I considered myself a libertarian for at least 10 years. The first time I heard the term was in 2000, watching Harry Browne in the third-party presidential debates. I knew next to nothing of libertarian philosophy, but the little I did understand, I identified with. My high school held a mock presidential election and I hung up “vote for Harry Browne” posters and encouraged my friends to write him in on their ballots. It was the first and last time I would participate in any kind of political campaign.