Bridges between Anarchism and Democratic Confederalism

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Written by Bruno Lima Rocha
Kurdish Question


The anarchist party model presented in this series is not an innovation in itself for political theory and radical political theory and not even for the leftist tradition. If the studies on this theme are quite unknown (or seem to be new or nonexistent), if this format of political organisation has not become an object of study (or recognised as the party model for self-management and direct democracy), this is due to the correlation of forces both inside the academic mainstream, the defeats suffered by the classist anarchists since 1939 and also because of the absence of debates within the left wing community, the academic spectrum and the mainstream media. This model approaches the militants within a political organisation specifically adherent to an ideological-doctrinaire corpus (also known as the cadre party). Because it is not a mass proposal, it has the format of having the membership composed by political cadres, without open affiliation and whose commitment degree increases as they enter further into the concentric circles (see Bakunin). Such modality acquired definitions in history such as: organicism, platformism, specifism; all of these are synonymous with the definition of the anarchist party (specific federation).

Party role introduction

The model of the left libertarian matrix and perspective presented in this series represents a possible application from a field of intentions, normative motivations, and strategic interests in Latin America in general and in Brazil in particular. But, we presume, that as long as we know each other better, the possibilities of political development will be reinforced from the real experience in Western Kurdistan and the inner debate among the thoughts under the PKK umbrella. It is very interesting to understand that this party mission is not to be part of a Nation-State institutional power but to help in building a society based on legitimate rights (both individual and collective), self-management, direct and radical democracy and as far away as possible from industrialism and a market-centred economy. The hypothesis formulated within the perspective of a real social democracy is the action of the political minority as a drive of force accumulation and long-term democratic radicalisation. If we compare this simple assumption and definition, we can observe many similarities between this perspective and the one written by comrade Abdullah Ocallan in 2011:

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